EURO-UNION POT CALLING THE KETTLE BLACK.
Part III. Neo-fascists at the political scene of the new EU
member-states
Lost wars, nostalgia for the majestic greatness, economic and political
crises make up perfect grounds for the extremist, nationalistic and purely
fascist organizations. It’s only JOBBIK that openly tells the truth about its
sympathies towards Nazism but the line that separates the slightly more
civilized ultra-rights from the outright Hungarian fascist is so thin
that the threat of the European fascistization doesn’t look that unreal
anymore.
The end. Previous parts are given
here: http://www.win.ru/en/school/4436.phtml
http://www.win.ru/en/school/4438.phtml
"Great Romania" inside of the united Europe: against gypsies,
Hungarians and everyone else Ultra-nationalists appeared in Romania
in the beginning of the 90s, right after the collapse of the
socialistic system. In this country rise of the post-socialistic era
was marked by the collision of the state discourse and the national
one. That was the period of time when the Frontul Salvării
Naţionale1 (FSN) emerged. On the 19th
of 1990 this — clearly nationalistic movement — provoked the
mass riots in Târgu Mureş where the beating of the Hungarian national
minority takes place. As a result, 6 people were killed, about
300 were injured.
In 1991 Partidul România Mare2
(PRM) — headed by Vadim Tudor and Eugen Barbu — replaced the
FSN. A year after its creation, party gained 4 percents of the
votes at the parliamentary elections. Party owed the success to one
of its leaders — Vadim Tudor, former court poet for Nicolae
Ceauşescu. PRM is a typical ultra-right end extremely nationalistic
party, calling for the ethnocratic state structure and appealing to the
quite definite "historical roots". Anti-Hungarian rhetoric — including the
"tragic loss of Transylvania" memories and the barefaced war against the
Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România3 (UDMR)
which was dubbed "fascist" by the adherents of the "Greater
Romania" — was the most important element of the PRM propagandistic
tools. In 2000 the party obtained 20% of the votes, having placed
second due to the number of its deputy mandates. However, party lost
the next elections and actually failed to get into the parliament. Fact
of Romania entering the European Union has whipped up the
nationalistic sentiments in the Romanian society and at the 2009
European Parliament elections PRM managed to get 9% of the
votes.
Partidul Noua Generaţie4 (PNG)
is a yet another example of this trend. This
is a one-man-party — the one belonging to Gigi Becali,
owner of the Steaua Bucureşti football club. Behavior of the party
"owner" himself is every bit as grotesque
as it is unpredictable. He, for example, is known for his
weird piety, proclaiming himself to be the "apostle of the
Romanian politics", and blaming his sports competitors to be funded
by the "Hungarian masons". Becali promised to "kill the devil"
in Romania, and though his party have failed to pass through the
voter’s barrier, in 2009 he obtained the Euro-deputy mandate
himself.
Demagogy of the Romanian ultra-rights falls on the fertile ground
of the social nostalgia for the strong hand — it is the
authoritative-style politicians, promising to take care of the
national interests, who succeed in the country. A lot of the
voters treat their calls for the national unity as the promises
of the social and economic security. Besides the legally acting Romanian
ultra-right populists this country also features new ultra-radical rights whose
activity lies outside of the legal democratic framework. They emphasize
their genetic connection with the famous fascist Iron Guard, preach racism,
anti-communism and call to ban all the Gypsies from Romania.
Romanian political situation is extremely unstable. In spite
of the marginal role of the undisguised fascists, quite legal
ultra-right parties tend to use their mottos from time to time —
that gives the evidence of the need for the fascist ideology in this
country.
"Great-power" Hungary
Hungary has long ago lived with the perception of split personality
between the Hungary of broken dreams and Hungary that the "great power"
status was stolen from. The first one is the reality, while the second one
are the dreams of past (Hungary prior to the 1920 Trianon Treaty that
used to have sea exits, three times larger territory and the state power).
Former Hungarian territories have been passed to the contemporary Romania,
Slovakia, Serbia, Croatia, Austria and the Ukraine. One would think that the
90-year-old history can only be the object for the historians’ researches,
but in today’s Budapest you may find the stickers with the image
of Great Hungary at the school exercise books, coats of the
young men and their automobiles.
Lost wars, nostalgia for the majestic greatness, economic and political crises
make up perfect grounds for the extremist, nationalistic and purely
fascist organizations. In 2006 Hungary was struck with the political
crisis of an unprecedented strength, when all the newspapers and
TV-channels of the country savored the informational leak from the then
Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány address to his party-fellows. Having used
juicy billingsgate language, then Prime Minister and leader of socialists
has characterized the "successes" of his government and his personal
attitude towards his native country and the voters. Hungarians were especially
indignant with the epithets Gyurcsány used to describe Hungary itself.
Lacking the ability to give the word-for-word version of the
unquotable words of Hungarian Prime Minister in this article,
we may just say that he dubbed his Motherland
to be a lady of easy virtue in the utmost cynical
discourteous manner. As a result of that, Hungary was unsettled
by a series of mass protests, socialist Gyurcsány didn’t resign
and the political preferences of Hungarians have abruptly moved from left
to right. We also have to add that the deepest and the most
severe economic recession in the contemporary history of the country
fell for the term of the socialist government. Altogether, that made
a fertile ground for the new ultra-rights to appear at the
Hungarian political scene.
In the end of the previous century, after the complete
marginalization of the frankly pro-fascist Magyar Igazság és Élet
Pártja5 (MIÉP), it was even more
clamorous movement JOBBIK — i. e. the Movement for the Better Hungary
(in Hungarian "jobb" means both "better" and "right") — that filled
the vacuum in this part of political specter. Its popularity
is based at the crafty manipulations with social phobias concerning
the Gipsy minority and the nostalgia for the Greater Hungary. JOBBIK leaders
are constantly reminding Hungarians of the Southern Slovakia — lost
due to the Trianon Treaty — which they persistently call the "Upper
Hungary", having supported their position of the fight for the rights
of Magyar national minority, populating that territory. JOBBIK blames
post-communists, homosexuals and Jews for the crisis of Hungarian
state.
In order to defend the country Gábor Vona, leader of this
movement, has created an armed organization called "Magyar Guard".
Guardsmen march through the streets of Budapest wearing the specific hats
called "bocskai", white shirts with the red-white neckerchiefs, military
uniform and holding the "Nyilaskeresztes6"
banners — pure and simple "old-school" fascist party that existed since
1938 to 1945 and was called "Nyilaskeresztes part" or the Arrow Cross
Party. After the war leaders of this pro-Hitler Nazi party were convicted
as the war criminals. JOBBIK has adopted not only the Nazi symbols but
also their methods of work. In August of last year — right
after the funeral march, dedicated to the 65th anniversary
of extermination of Gypsies at the Auschwitz-Birkenau
concentration camp (also known as Oświęcim in our country) —
Vona’s militants have murdered Gipsy woman at the Kisléta village
in the east of Hungary.

JOBBIK banner, borrowed from the "Nyilaskeresztes part"
JOBBIK is much more sophisticated and dangerous than any of the
Western-European anti-Islamists and fighters against the illegal immigration.
It is based on two mythologemas — both of them are
to play a role of bait for two different social groups
of electorate. The first — or the negative one —
is a "Trianon disgrace" and the dreams of the great-power past,
the second one — is the anti-communist rebellion of 1956. The
second mythologema is much more dangerous than the first one as long
as — first of all — it appeals not to the nationalists
but to the democratically-minded Hungarians. JOBBIK "privatization"
of the historical memories of anti-communist fight features
a clearly propagandistic character. So, for example, in August
of 2007 it were 56 first members of the Magyar Guard who
took an oath of allegiance, and it was Lajos Für, former
Hungarian Minister of Defense, who presented them their certificates. But
the true ideological forefather of JOBBIK is Miklós Horthy, plain
fascist and dictator who ruled over Hungary since 1920 to 1944 — during
the Second World War he was a Hitler’s ally who declared the war
on the USSR.
According to Gábor Vona’s opinion, Horthy’s regime wasn’t based
on lies, robbing own nation with the high interest rates
or corruption, but rather on the Hungarian honesty and order.
He modestly fails to mention that Horthy’s regime along with the
Hitler’s Wehrmacht brought the Hungarian troops to Yugoslavia
in April of 1941, that Hungarian Prime Minister Pál Teleki has
committed suicide as a an act of protest against this
action, that Horthy participated in deportation of Jews and Gypsies
along with the SS troops. Former Navy Commander-in-Chief of the
Austrian-Hungarian Empire, Admiral Horthy was an ominous but yet
pompously-funny person. His dictatorship featured certain buffoonery elements
(one might recall his solemn entrance to Budapest, riding a white
horse in 1919, and his statement that he forgives "the sinful capital
that defiled the Motherland"). His regime is exhaustively defined
by the wording of a certain German historian: "Admiral, ruling
over the kingdom without a king in country with no seas".

Admiral Miklós Horthy, Regent of Kingdom
of Hungary
To a considerable degree need for JOBBIK and the danger it poses
is defined by the complicated relationship between Hungary and
Slovakia — mind that both sides are responsible for the conflict. After
eight-year-long rule of Mikuláš Dzurinda rightist government, left
nationalists — headed by pragmatic and absolutely adequate Robert
Fico — came to power in Slovakia. However, in order
to form the government he had to enter the coalition with
nationalistic Slovak National Party, headed by Jan Slota — whose
political program is based on the negative experience
of Hungarian-Slovak relationship of the "Greater Hungary" period.
After the few frankly anti-Hungarian Slota’s statements (Hungarians make
up approximately 10% of Slovak population) and his promises
to send the Slovak tanks to assault Budapest, Fico government has
adopted the amendment to the law on language, which deprived the
Slovak national minorities of the right to speak their native
languages in public. According to the opinion of Martin Šimečka,
Slovak writer and publicist, it brought the Slovak-Hungarian relationship
back to the level of 1918-1945.
Hungarian reaction followed immediately after Fidesz Party — headed
by Viktor Orbán — coming to power in April of this
year. New Hungarian Prime Minister has instantly stated his intention
to grant the Hungarian citizenship to the ethnic Hungarians, living
abroad. We’re talking about nearly 3.5-4 million of Romanian, Serbian,
Slovak and Ukrainian citizens. Having been interviewed by the daily paper
"Heti Valasz" on the 13th of May, Szolt Semjen — leader
of the Christian Democrats, stated: "We have a fundamental duty
to all Hungarians to obliterate the spiritual shame of Trianon.
Every Hungarian, no matter what country does he live in, may
take the Hungarian citizenship within three months of applying for
it at our embassy. They should gain all the same rights as those
Hungarians who live in Hungary, except the suffrage".
Right after him Viktor Orbán claimed that Hungary is probably the only
country in the world that "borders itself", obviously implying to the
Slovak Hungarians. Slovakia immediately promised to file the complaint
to the OSCE as long as 520 thousand Slovak Hungarians (10%
of the population) would create a "threat to the national
security" in this case. It is unclear yet, what would
be the Brussels’ reaction to the initiative of giving the
Hungarian, i. e. European passports to 120 thousand Ukrainian
citizens, but it would hardly like it.
JOBBIK is supported by about 20% of Hungarian voters. Its
leader, Gábor Vona formed an extensive social ground for his party —
starting with the scholar and students’ groups up to the farmers’ and
senior citizens clubs and policemen labor unions. Party has its own
radio-station; its propagandists have popular Internet blogs. Vona managed
to incline young and beautiful Krizstina Morvai, professor and the human
rights activist, to cooperate. Thanks to this gain, JOBBIK face
is rather attractive, unlike the rest of the European ultra-right
parties.
According to the opinion of the above-quoted Martin Šimečka,
"Hungarian nationalism is dangerous as it has strong roots. Its
history totals about a thousand years and it derives its strength
from the Hungarian feeling of loneliness, whose historical fate placed
them into the surrounding of the Slavic nations." According to the
well-known Hungarian philosopher Miloš Tomáš, current situation in Hungary
is fraught with the denial of the civil democracy model. He says
that in future Hungary may fetch itself in front of the choice
between socialization and fascism.
Twenty years ago Nobel Prize winner Czesław Miłosz, having paraphrased the
Marxism classics, said: "Ghost is wandering across the Europe, ghost
of the nationalism this is". In a contemporary Europe
nationalists, balancing on the verge of fascism, have become
a visible power. While in June of 2009 JOBBIK obtained only
3 mandates at the European Parliament elections, mind that
it would be 13 deputies from the United Kingdom Independent
Party, 4 representatives of Dutch People’s Party for Freedom and
Democracy, 3 members of the Greater Romania Party, 2 members
of the Bulgarian National Union Attack, 2 members from the Austrian
Freedom Party, 2 members from Danish People’s Party, 1 deputy from
the Slovak National Party and one more deputy from the True Finns Party who
will take the seats besides them.
All of them are unified by the extremist nationalism, euro-skepticism
and xenophobia. It’s only JOBBIK that openly tells the truth about its
sympathies towards Nazism but the line that separates the slightly more
civilized ultra-rights from the outright Hungarian fascist is so thin
that the threat of the European fascistization doesn’t look that unreal
anymore.
By Gregory Tinsky
1 Front
of the National Salvation.
2 Greater Romania Party.
3 Democratic Union of Hungarians
in Romania.
4 New Generation Party.
5 Hungarian Justice and Life Party.
6 Arrow Cross Party.
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